New Approaches of Civic Engagement for Inclusive Governance in Burma
1.0. Introduction
This review will review previously conducted studies on the new ways of civic engagement for inclusive governance in Burma based on the strengthening partnerships for accountability and civic engagement in this country. The literature has been divided into ten key areas of concern, where each will be explicitly discussed to offer an in-depth understanding of how the civic engagement for inclusive governance can be strengthened in the nation under investigation. The study will utilize the studies that have been performed within a range of the past ten years since they provide the current situation in Burma, making the data relevant for this research. It will also be crucial to analyze the limitations that such studies have in addressing the topic and as well the arising need for further studies. Finally, the conclusion will be made, providing a summary of the key findings in the literature review and also giving recommendations based on the limitations noted.
2.0. Civil Society, Governance, and Governance
- General Definitions
The understanding the terms civil society, governance, and government are important for the deeper knowledge on this subject. In the first place, the civil society is described as a composition of small platoons, which include community groups, private businesses, trade unions, and families among others (Kingsbury, 2014). Kingsbury (2014) postulates that the term “civil society” has a variety of institutions, and is considered as public because of the accessibility by not only many people, but also corporate entities. Based on this concept, it is evident that this institution being present in the civil society implies a wider involvement of the government, where there is a transfer of economy from the private to the public sphere (Petrie & South, 2014). Additionally, Holliday (2008) asserts that these forms of institutions are private entities because of the establishment and formation by the individual citizens of a given country. In a similar vein, Kapuku (2011) asserts that civil society is a key role player in the imperative decision-making processes of any government. These studies depict the relationship that exists between the government and governance, on the basis that the civil society is made up of both concepts. On the other hand, SiuSue (2012) refers to the civil society as an organization or space among the states, families, and the private sector. In the case of Burma, specialists postulate that the civil society gains a better definition. This definition has been narrowed down to include the corporations that are non-ephemeral of the people who have teamed up to achieve a common purpose via group activities and using ways that are peaceful (Lall, 2016). In this case, the meaning does capture political parties as well as the armed groups. In general, the civil society can encompass think tanks, academic institutions, professional associations, NGOs, parts of the media, research institutes, faith-based organizations, community groups, and advocacy groups among others.
Additionally, MacLean (2016) defines the term “government” as an entity or institution exercising authority as legitimate power. Further, he points out that power refers to the aptitude to cause an influence on the behaviors of others. In this connection, he describes the authority as the right of exercising power on the basis of the recognized mandate to pledge obedience instead of manipulating or coercing people either directly or indirectly. In another study by Hong (2014), he argues the investigation of the exercise of authority leads to the study of the government, indicating a close link between politics and government. Bunte (2016), on the other hand, provides similar definitions for government and governance. His description for both terms is that they mean to exercise authority in entities that are organized, like institutions or any other exercising the authority. This exercise of authority is further linked to governance or politics based on the fact that it is the art of control exercise in the society through a collective enforcement and decision-making, leading to the study of government. MacLean (2016) adds that politics only considers the state actors who derive motivation from the personal ideological beliefs, which they look for in advancing their ambitions via political parties or organizations.
- Civic Engagement
The concept of civic engagement has diverse definitions which different researchers in the prior studies have attempted to prove, based on the perspectives and disciplines of those defining it. The perception by Holley (2016) concerning civic engagement is that it entails the way people set community policies to be more responsive and as well make sure that such policies or decisions have tangible benefits. However, Holley indicates that no consensus has been reached concerning a specific meaning of the term “civic engagement.” In many occasions, this word has been used interchangeably with other terms that are similar including public engagement, public participation, and civic participation. For the purpose of this literature review, the definition of this concept has a closer relationship with the process of the ability of the citizens or their representatives to take part in and as well influence the public processes to attain the objectives and goals of the civic society. Based on the existing literature concerning the concept of civic engagement in Burma, civic engagement is, thus, defined as the participation of all individuals across ethnic and gender divides, among other aspects, in policy formulation and decision-making at the local and State/Regional (S/R) levels of governance. Researchers have a notion that Burma has performed excellently in the matters of civic governance based on the reported Civic Engagement Index for the last few years (Gallup, 2016). This achievement emanates from the fact that the country almost has a universal percentage of the money that it donates to charity.
- Inclusive Governance
This concept is broad and is sometimes applied interchangeably with participatory governance. In most cases, this term has been related to good governance in some studies by diverse researchers (MercyCorps, 2011). In this study, researchers posit that a government comprises three traditional branches which include executive, judiciary, and legislative components, which are among the imperative actors in the concept of governance. Nonetheless, some non-state actors comprise business entities, media, and civil society among other groups and individuals based on the governance levels. Further, Hendrix and Noland (2015) define the aspect of governance as the ability of the civil society, private sector, and government to collaborate in affective way in the matters of the policy and regulatory and legal reforms. Such reforms are fundamental for equitable growth (Speer, 2012). These authors also add that good governance calls for the creation of an environment that allow the formation and implementation of the beneficial policy in a way that is socially inclusive.
In the institute perspective, the concept of governance refers to an undertaking where societies or corporations determine who to be in authority, make critical decisions, the way to offer an account, and establish the engaging entities. The other role that the institute plays is to prove a framework for the identification of the aspect of governance. MacLean (2016) argues that governance is a given group of people is necessary for making decisions as well as realizing the ultimate goal to the government. For effective governance in large groups of individuals, Papouras (2016) suggests the decision-making process that takes into account identity of an entity facilitating such as process. He adds by arguing that, with this understanding, it has been possible for the governments to be formed in this world. Notwithstanding the simplified definition in the Institute on Governance point view that governance is a controlling or guiding instrument of the societies and organizations, the critics argue that the definition is too straightforward and very simple. Based on their perception, there is no way such a simple and neat description of the definition of the institute.
UNDP point of view indicates that the development of human beings is a backbone of the installation of a governance system, though has emerged a key challenge to many societies around the world (Andrews, 2016). In this context, the notion of this body is that good governance, which comprises participatory, accountability, and transparency, also has attributes of effectiveness and equitability, which also makes sure that the rule of law works. In addition to this point, Hong (2014) supports the idea that good governance comes with political, economic, and social priorities that depend of a broader acceptance in a society. Nonetheless, MacLean (2016) presents other disturbing findings concerning the concept of governance indicating that the people who are challenged in the society are the marginalized and the poor. Further, he postulates that the people who presumably have scare resources are rate to have lower governance since they cannot install the mechanisms that are required for sustaining, promoting, and support rapid human development. Additionally, Hong (2014) acknowledges the fact that the poor and the vulnerable people need to be considered while making the critical decisions concerning the resource allocation developments in any society.
The program also reveals that good governance is the one which comes up with the structure as well as the processes which conveys a message of the political and socio-economic associations. Also, in the perspective of UNDP, the concept of governance comprises the state, though extends to cover companies in the civil society and the private sector. In response to this kind of thinking, Fahrenkamp-Uppenbrink (2016) points out that there lacks a proper definition of the components making up a state. Thus, many concerns have emerged, making the aspect of governance undefined. As a result, UNDP has made attempts to see to it that the undefined nature of the state has no influence on governance by specifying its components, comprising both political institutions and the private sector. In this case, the private sector firms encompass the private businesses like banks, manufacturing companies, and cooperatives among others, as well as other categories in the informal market. Therefore, these are indicative of the fact that the concern for UNDP has been on how the state responds to people’s requirements in an effective manner.
Several prior studies have also intended to examine this subject in the context of the relationship between the sustainable human development and governance. Notably, the associations between good governance and sustainable human development are perceived differently by various practitioners for development as well as academic literature. In the first place, UNDP has suggested the creation for the capacity for good governance as the remedy for poverty elevation in the society, where Burma is not an exception (MacLean, 2016). In the context of human development, the program aims at making sure that the lives of the people in the offing and the natural systems are protected through placement of people based on gender (male and female). The mostly affected group of people includes the vulnerable as well as the poor who become a central concern for the development strategy.
Other studies have looked at the concept of governance as an art of governing, whereby the exercising of the authority and power over a territory, organization, or system amounts to governing. Notwithstanding the fact that the ideology of authority is vital governance and government, it cannot be taken as the only focus in the context of the art of governing (Kipgen, 2014). Moreover, MacLean (2016) posits that notion that the authority concerns participation as well as the consensus of the ruled, the government is distributed, makes the term ‘authority’ to have no chance to be an only target of the governments and governance. As argued by some critical thinkers, the governments may become not only inefficient but also weaker in the performance of the governance takes if many entities are involved. In support of this argument, Ebeling (2016) posits that it is only possible for governance to make the government have an evincing strength if it has a mandate that is extended as opposed to the duties of the states as those of the government. This idea is stressed by Papouras (2016) who argues that, in a conventional perspective, the government needs to rule and also control, though in the contemporary governance, the function of the government has turned out into managing and orchestration. However, Kapucu (2011) refers the act of controlling as managing, where no single definition of governance uses the control aspect but management. Furthermore, the experts in Burma have indicated that governance in the country has been considered as leadership whose aim is to develop the society (Prasse-Freeman, 2012). Therefore, the art of governing relies on the perception of the people in a given setting as well as the discipline of study in their attempt to define governance.
- The Need of Good Governance
In the contemporary nations, there has been an increasing need for good governance, where Burma is not an exception. Khai (2011) postulates that, the existence of good governance results in a future robustness of the government or organization by focusing on a particular vision, ensuring the alignment of everyday’s management with the organizational goals. It is also believed that good leadership is a cornerstone of good governance in any civic society (MacLean, 2016). Also, the need for good governance is based on the previous definitions of governance, where it was noted that the efficient and effective board can enhance the financial as well as the social output of a government or organization, and thus guaranteeing a proper use of the authority. Also, ensuring good governance in any government requires the understanding of the implications of the rights on the basis of the governance approaches, where the participation of the right bearers is considered (Khai, 2011). This aspect helps in the determination of the methods of meeting some specified rights, especially via intensive enhancement and empowerment of participation (Findlay, Park, & Verbiest, 2015). Therefore, attaining this technique and the millennium development goals (MDGs) in Burma is based on the millennium declaration resulting in good governance.
Some studies have raised the governance issues like graft in the contemporary nations such as Burma. Hong (2014) points out that it has become a critical concern to get rid of graft in some countries since it retrogressively affects the governance and is as well dangerous to the individuals who live in poor conditions. In spite of this nation, there are some countries that have proved to have resilience in showing responsiveness and accountability to their citizens, and particularly India is a perfect illustration. Further findings by Hong indicate that some other countries such as Indonesia have exhibited a dramatic change in their governance in a few years that have elapsed (Hong, 2014). Such countries have a long history of not only strong administrations but also have a democratic government which offers fair and free elections which resulted in decentralization. On the other hand, it is unfortunate that some nations are not embracing these changes or their approach to governance is rather slow. For instance, some regions like Asia and Pacific areas have the largest ever forms of democratic governments, where some of the administrations are based on tyranny and do not allow active participation of people. This aspect shows that there is a critical need for the administrations to be effective and efficient to enhance good governance (MacLean, 2016). Therefore, it rests on the government of Burma to ensure that its administration provides enough room for the people’s participation to achieve such objectives.
3.0. Participation in Burma’s Civic Engagement for Inclusive Governance
- The State
Undeniably, the State has a critical role to play in the government. It is useful in the facilitation of inclusivity as well as in the provision of the environment that is conducive for other societal components. Based on MacLean’s perception, the state utilizes that relevance and autonomy of other sectors, ensuring that they are not overburdened with the government responsibilities (MacLean, 2016). On the other hand, the state serves as an enabler, whereby it provides regulations and laws regarding the participation of other sectors for inclusivity of governance. Also, the role of the state in civic engagement for inclusive governance is to encourage the participation of the citizens. This aspect can be achieved by allowing liberty among the people from the fear of the military reprisal in their course of service delivery to the marginalized group including the poor, and check the proposed and existing policies (Welsh & Huang, 2016). In a similar vein, Holliday (2008) also suggests that the state also provides resources to the market as well as the community. Such resources comprise the infrastructure and the programs for research and development (R&D), expertise, technology, and information among other aspects. Further, Hong (2014) also presents the local government as a component of the state that plays an essential role in the national government, helping it in the implementation of programs and projects. Therefore, the local government emerges as a real player in enhancing effective governance and development.
- Local Government
The current studies on Burma’s civic engagement acknowledge the notion that local governments provide a platform for the participation of the organizations, civil society, and other groups in the decision-making processes that are constructive at the level of the community (MacLean, 2016). Additionally, the local governments in Burma have been given a mandate by the constitution to offer the participation models based on its regulations and laws. Moreover, Kingsbury (2014) has added that the local governments are the key actors in the provision of the favorable political environment for the participations of diverse groups in the country. He further argues that the local government also offers resources like the physical infrastructure and the technical expertise to the people who live in disadvantaged areas and underestimating them is difficult (Kingsbury, 2014). Therefore, these roles of the local government seek to protect the human rights which have been a critical challenge to Burma’s goals of good governance.
Also, in Myanmar, both the local government and the state are responsible for the supervision of the development projects and as well see to it that the concerns of the citizens are addressed at the national government level. Broadly speaking, this part of the state works in collaboration with the community depending on the corporations to enhance the resolutions of conflicts among the people of Burma. Furthermore, the state and local governments are under the national government, and thus cannot work to fulfill the interests of the citizens. Based on this literature, the interesting finding in Burma is that its system of governance does not have the elected local governments (Nam, Cham, & Halili, 2015). This idea stems from the fact this country aligns a framework that involves a local government that is an essential extension of super-ordinate tiers of the government. In this connection, Hook et al. suggested a structure that comprises merely the representatives who are indirectly elected at the village tract level as shown in Figure 1 below.
Figure 1: The State’s Administrative Structure in Burma (Hook et al. 2015)
- Civil Society
The first aspect of the civil society’s role in inclusive governance in Burma is its evolving role. The existing literature on this subject indicates that the landscape for the civil society in Myanmar is changing at a faster rate in spite of the fact its space used to be constrained in the past. Since the general election of 2010, the government of Burma has tried to eliminate the several measures that were preventing the participatory space for the civil society (Jaquet, 2014). Such a space includes the reformation of the legal model as well as the lifting of the media censorship, as a section of the bigger process of reform. Additionally, Lanjouw et al. (2016) present the critical issue in these measures was to make the restrictions on the freedom of expression and freedom of association loose. From that time, there have been a continued creations of the opportunity within Burma, and particularly urban centers with more stakeholders and resources, which has further allowed for the development and flourishing of the coalitions and civil society networks. In a broader context, the civil society in the country has immensely become vocal, with its function increasingly gaining a wider acceptance by the government of Burma (Jaquet, 2014). In general, this trend has been increasing over the last few years because of the ongoing democratic transitions.
In another context, the inclusive governance has been examined based on the civil society-government relations. In the country, the opening of the political and civic space for the civil society from 2011 has led to the evolution of the relationship between civil society and the government of Burma. On the other hand, the effects of the civil society on the government have been evident, particular in the policy and decision-making matters. Also, the several policy advocacy networks that were established in 2011 have influenced the practice and power of those in authority, where a few high-profile successes of advocacy have been realized (Jaquet, 2014). Another imperative relationship has been noted in the development of a new Association Registration Law (ARL), whose formation was after the consultation with the civil society and also making registration a voluntary activity. Nonetheless, the Bylaws that were issued in 2015 call for the companies applying for registration to get a letter of recommendation from a government ministry representing a backslide (Lanjouw et al., 2016). Also, at the local level, the cooperation between the civil society and township, ward officials, and village tract has increased. Furthermore, Burma’s government is increasingly adopting the input from the civil society for the formation of policies at a national level. In spite of such activities of and opportunities for the civil society, researchers have suggested that such changes are still not even within the township, state, national, and regional administration. Some researchers have a different opinion that the current government of Burma has not completed adopted the participation of the civil society in the current context politics (Lanjouw et al., 2016).
- CBOs and ethnic organizations in Myanmar
The state of ethnicity has been attached to the role the civil society has played the civic engagement in Myanmar. In the context of the ethnolinguistic origins, Burma is considered among the countries that are more ethnically diverse in the southeastern part of Asia (Jolliffe, 2015). The government of Burma is composed 135 different ethnic groups, though confirming the exact figure of such groups is not easy (Walton, 2013). With this diversity, Burma’s government has been able to make policies that need to accommodate all, though this strategy has not been successful because of some social and political influence from the majority group.
Kipgen (2014) presents evidence that Burma is among nations in Asia that are ethnically and culturally diverse, having about one hundred and thirty five ethnic groups. For instance, Bamar is the biggest ethnic group accounting for nearly 60 percent of the total population in the nation. Moreover, this country is multi-religious where the biggest group comprises the Buddhists constituting 89 percent. Other religious groups include the Christians (5 percent), Muslims (3.8 percent), and Hindu (0.5 percent), where 1.2 percent is composed of the spiritualists group. In addition to this point, MacLean (2016) found out that Burma’s religions are distributed in such ethnic groups though some tribes immensely subscribe to a certain religious group. A perfect illustration involves the kachins, chins, and Karens, which constitute a larger group of the Christians sect whereas Bamar category subscribes to Buddhism. Also, there are seven officially recognized indigenous minority groups which include Kavin, Shan, Mon, Kachin, Rakhine, Chin, Kayah.
In the context of civic engagement, Burma’s leaders of the community mostly comprise the elderly people. These people have been engaged in the matters of conflict resolution and ensure the success of the programs of the government and other organizations among the citizens. Bountry (2013) concluded that youth and women groups have played a vital role in ensuring steady as well as rapid democratization process in the country. The good news about these groups is that they have been given equal rights to have the knowledge of what happens in the country and allowed to participate in decisions that affect their daily lives and thus enhancing the nation’s civic engagement.
- Private Sector
The private sector has been considered as an essential partner in the economic development of the community, serving as an engine of the society. This form of a business sector plays a key role in the creation of job opportunities as well as generation of the income for the community members. Papouras (2016) supports this idea by pointing out that, because of the resources like technical expertise and finance, the private sector can be useful to the local government in the formation and implementation of its economic plan. On the other hand, Ebeling (2016) argues that such a business entity can help with resources that can it make it possible for the local government to pursue projects and programs on a large and broad scale. These initiatives may be exceeding the local governments’ financial capabilities. In this case, the economy and efficiency are the expected outputs of corporate governance. Also, Ebeling suggest that it is important for the state to provide a playing ground that is fair to encourage a healthy competition and also enhance safety for the private sector that has no capability of competing in an effective manner.
Moreover, the prior studies have presented the evidence that the private sector needs to offer information technology to help the local government to establish developmental technologies that boost the economic development of the community. Additionally, the private sector is expected to help the local government in the promotion of technology transfer, especially, the utilization of the system decision support as well the spatial planning for effective and efficient governance. In Burma, the private sector, which ranges from the construction firms to the owners of the media houses, is increasingly contributing towards good governance. In this context, Holliday (2008) has provided the results that during the five-decade long tyrannical military rule in Myanmar, the private sector was heavily marginalized, where the awarding of many development projects tenders was not clean. In the same case, Kingsbury (2014) observed that the private sector mainly comprised small-scale traders who contributed less towards the formation of the policy in Burma. Lastly, Fahrenkamp-Uppenbrink (2016) concluded that the aftermath of general election in 2010 saw the private sector’s importance in the nation building leading to its improvement, where some development projects tenders were awarded via a competitive bidding.
4.0. Civil Society and Democracy in Burma
Believably, civil societies and democracy are intertwined concepts or rather have a close relation, and thus one of them will find difficulties functioning properly without the other. Kingsbury (2014) regard the civil society as the democracy’s sociological counterpart in an element of democracy or in the political context. Bunte (2016), on the other hand, points out that the functional roles of a civil society are compensatory, supplementary, and conducive to democracy whose focus is virtually whole. Nevertheless, there is less concern on the dysfunctional roles of the civil societies. In another study by Ebeling (2016), it is evident that the consideration of the role of civil societies also requires taking into account the involvement of the civil societies in the virtues and vices of democracy. Also, Holliday (2008) notes that the civil societies have been treated as a force that brings about democracy where it does not exist. As a result, this concept enhances it where it has appeared to be weak or where there has been a severe power interfering with democracy in Myanmar (Pathak, 2014).
Moreover, several forms of civil society organizations playing a dysfunctional role in the country comprise the ones that have views and goals which directly tamper with the human rights as well as the democracy (Sadan, 2016; Dey, 2015). A perfect example is the creation of the organizations that focus on the promotion of racism and fundamentalism, posing a critical threat to pluralism as well as social democracy (MacLean, 2016). Further findings indicate that these goals are not conducive and are as well highly injurious to Burma’s democracy (Kingsbury, 2014). Notably, the objectives, the procedures and methods of an organization in this country whose focus is not on democracy or has no consideration for the human rights impede civil societies from being the agencies that are effective and efficient in matters of political socializing towards democracy. Consequently, these conditions can lead to the production, aggravation, and perpetuation of non-democratic views and thus perform badly.
- Civil Society and Education in Myanmar
The prior studies have also presented empirical evidence on the relationship between Burma’s civil society and education. MacLean (2016) sought to examine this subject in Myanmar and noted that education plays a critical role in the development of the nation, and thus has emerged area of concern for the international engagement. It has been added that donors have actively partnered with the civil society actors in the education sector of Burma and thus leading to the change of the tyrannical political culture of the country (South & Lall, 2016). Furthermore, Bunte (2016) added that education is another key contributor to the improvement some sectors like health, which lead to a healthy, effective, and efficient civil society.
Researchers have also pointed out the involvement of some organizations like the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) in the education sector in Myanmar. The data on this topic has revealed that the donors have placed a lot of weight on since they view it as a tool that is necessary for development (MacLean, 2016). Nonetheless, Myanmar’s education sector has limited international aid community because of the suspicion of the government of the international engagement in this field. This situation emanates from the country’s perception that such participation is an aspect of national interest, in spite of poor allocation of the resources. In Burma, it is not easy to find institutions for the cooperation between local civil societies that work in the education sector, as well as the donors (Wells & Aung, 2014). This study shows the limitation of the lack of the information concerning the activities of the civil society in this sector. On the same note, Bunte (2016) supports this idea where he argues that it may be misleading to focus on some successes that have been recorded by the civil society groups in reducing various gaps that exist in the field of education. The reason for this finding is that such groups lack the capability to provide an education system that can play a role equal to that which the state runs.
6.0. The Role Played by the Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in Burma’s Civic Engagement
In Burma, there exist three groups of Non-governmental organizations that are in operation in the country. The first one is the local NGOs (LNGOs) which operate in Myanmar and have been registered with the government. In the second category is the international NGOs (INGO), which works inside the nation and controlled by a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with the Burma government. The last groups encompass some corporate entities which are controlled by the government aiming at the promotion of the goals of the policies of the government. Based on the perception of Holliday (2008), several firms that are under the government comprise Myanmar Red Cross, Myanmar medical association, Child, and Welfare Association, and Myanmar Maternal, normally operated by military officers or the spouses of such officers.
The research conducted by MacLean (2016) indicates further that the function of NGOs in Myanmar to alleviate poverty among the citizens. Notwithstanding the fact they operate in similar in other countries, the difference arises in functions and roles they play concerning the way to attain that task. On the other hand, Bunte (2016) argues that many NGOs operating in Burma greatly depend on funding from foreign donors, though other the organizations obtain funds from the local donors. Such donors include Tay Za and ZawZaw, and have donated large amounts of money in millions to charity-based organizations and humanitarian needs in the nation. Another LNGOs in Myanmar is ‘i Love Myanmar’ whose establishment was after a Cyclone Nargis calamity in 2008. It provided a humanitarian help to the people who were affected by the disaster. Free Funeral Services Society (FFSS) is also LNGO whose commitment is to assist those living in poverty and are not able to pay for the funeral expenses. Notably, the roles that these two organizations is indicative of the fact that NGOs’ are key actors in helping the poor by applying different techniques. For instance, while one seeks to assist the people who are the victims of Cyclone disaster, the other organization focuses on helping those whose affordability for the funeral expenses is low (Bunte, 2016). Based on this literature about the LNGOs, the role of the NGOs cannot be denied in Burma’s civic engagement for the inclusive governance.
MacLean (2016) also points out hour NGOs have been critical actors in the education sector and thus promoting civic engagement in Burma. This initiative of enhancing free education in the country has helped the civil society especially the population of illiterate and the poor people will be cut down, which will lead to more educated people in the country. Another supporter of this concept is Hong (2014), who notes that the people who are more educated will be more tolerant to the culture and religion in a diverse Burma’s population. In another negative perspective, the NGO in Myanmar have lacked transparency and thus weakening the governance which, initially, people thought it was good.
For the international NGOs (INGOs) to work effectively and efficiently in Burma, the government has ensured they sign an agreement with it through a letter of agreement or an MOU. The existing literature indicates that it was not until May 2008 that the government of Myanmar was skeptical concerning the INGOs. At this time, they find out that the government could not offer adequate humanitarian support to the citizens affected by the cyclone calamity, which reportedly led to the loss of 138,000 live and destruction of a bigger of residence area (Bunte, 2016). The resulting reaction in Myanmar was that the international non-government organizations were resisted, where the LNGOs took over to support people who had urgent requirements in the country (MacLean, 2016). Based on these findings, it can be concluded that LNGOs have actively participated in the country’s civic engagement as compared to INGOs because of the reasons that have been explicitly explained.
7.0. The Role of Faith-Based Organizations
- Christian Organizations and Churches
Christians in Myanmar constitutes a small group of less than 10 percent of the country’s total population. In this nation, Charities, Churches, and Bible schools among other Christian associations have played a significant role in the matters of good governance, democratization, and national reconciliation. Papouras (2016) suggests that avoiding the confrontations as well as the complications with the governing authorities has called for the Christian organizations in Burma to stand in the gap as development, social-humanitarian, and religious participants. Furthermore, Kingsbury (2014) added that many tasks pursued by the organizations target the democratization of the civil society, the Christian population in particular.
It has also been argued that Christianity a significant role player in the education sector whereby it has led to exposure of the local students to the institutions and studies that recognized internationally. The existing literature from the previous studies indicate that the formation of the Bible college located in Chin state in 2012 as a theological education institution aimed at transforming the state into a global center for learning (MacLean, 2016). These institutions have become a place where students pursue overseas education of their choices, either theological or secular. In addition to this empirical evidence, Hong (2014) pointed out that English has been considered as a teaching language in many Christian colleges in Burma. Through these institutions, learners get motivation to debate and as criticize bad governance, ensuring their voices are noticed in the structural decision-making process of the country. On the other hand, Khai (2011) asserts that Christian-based bodies in Myanmar use any room that is avails itself wisely. Such organizations purport to achieve religious goals and at the same time seeking to promote democratic values. They achieve these goals by use of the development projects, training forums, and teaching. The church leaders, in many occasions, are called upon by the armed ethnic-groups, the government, and the opposition forces to provide the services of mediation in peace talks and reconciliatory dialogues. In a similar vein, Kapucu (2011) provides further evidence that the Christian leaders have tremendously impacted the process of resolving disputes in the nation, especially the ethnic population whose dominant religion is Christianity. Also, Bountry (2013) has provided the results that are consistent with the fact that Christians have successfully acted as mediators because of their positions that are neutral and morally influential in the civil society.
Moreover, Bountry (2013) presents the reason that led to the government to call for the engagement of the Christian leaders in the conflict resolution between CNF and the government as the fighting of the group being outside the legal framework. Thus, their involvement was considered because the government could directly engage in such cases. In a different broader perspective, Kipgen (2014) argues that there is a need for the organizations that have the features of transparency, openness, trust, and legitimacy to ensure the success of the processes of mediation and dialogue. In general, the role played by the Christian leaders such processes is based on merit rather the notion that they legal or any other problem of this nature.
Finally, the study by Fahrenkamp-Uppenbrink (2016) indicates that the Christian-based organizations like charities and schools have been fundamental channels in the development a better civil society. Nonetheless, the existence of the multi-party system in Burma has compelled these institutions to appear lesser entities in the country. Additionally, Christianity has not effective in accomplishing its objectives because the number of Christians as well as that of Christian organizations is considerable small and they are fragmented. Also, they lack collaborative strategies and significant power to influence a campaign in throughout the nation for democratic change and inclusive governance.
- Buddhist Monkhood
Most of the researchers have acknowledged that the faith-based organizations such as the Buddhist Monkhood are among the influential civil society actors in the matters of liberalization of Myanmar in a political perspective. Hong (2014) presents the findings that there are almost four hundred thousand monks in Myanmar, organized in a monarch institution called sangha, and in Burma, they call them Phaya. The term “Phaya” refers to god in Burmese, there large number in the country calls for respect among Buddhists in this nation. Based on the arguments by MacLean (2016), the term ‘respect’ implies the power and influence in the political and social circles, in the context of Buddhists. With this understanding, Buddhist Monks are politically powerful in Myanmar, where in the former days they collaborated with the political movements which whose was to dismantle or topple government that was corrupt.
On the other hand, Bunte (2016) postulates that the monks have a long history of being subjects of victimization because of their engagement in politics in Burma. This research cites an example of the Bama kings who was slaughtered over three thousand monks in 1757 after the Mon Empire was overthrown. This history of distinguished group in Burma has also contributed immensely to the civic engagement since Buddhists have consistently participated in activism in the country. Nonetheless, the government regards the monks as adversaries of their consistent resilience in fighting for democracy in Burma.
Bunte (2016) also argues that it is not to encounter the monks discussing the political and socio-economic matters affecting the nation in the open. In the context of civic engagement, the Monks act as a neutral group concerning the issues of political. Though, the deep-rooted and increased crises have compelled this to come out clearly and raise the challenges that people the people have. Consequently, they acquired the moral authority that allows them to counter the corrupt and oppressive regime which is an indicator of bad governance.
Additionally, Bunte (2016) has investigated the ways the government reacts to the existence of this group in Burma. In his findings, he points out that government has treated theses monks with hostility, where some of the principal Buddhists monks are believed to have played advisory roles in previous military era, by advising the generals that highly ranked. In this context, MacLean (2016) presented evidence that there are more than opposing views within Sangha, where one supporting opposes the forces while another one places emphasis on the ruling regimes. The support to this idea is drawn from Ebeling’s argument that the individuals in the government strongly believe that the nation requires robust tools for avoidance of its union’s disintegration, national solidarity, and perpetuation of sovereignty (Ebeling, 2016). Furthermor, Fahrenkamp-Uppenbrink (2016) reported that the existence of opposing forces in Burma have emerged to be a big threat to three national issues aforementioned.
Another role of the Buddhist monks in the civic engagement of Burma is pointed out by MacLean (2016) who argued that the high respect that the monks command in Myanmar has made them to perform the mediation function over a long time. In support of this notion, Bunte (2016) added that ordinary people in Burma have power to criticize governments that are oppressive because of fear of reprisal of the eras. Despite this condition in the country, monks have fearlessly criticized bad governance, corruption, or any acts of wrongdoing by any individual even those in system of ruling. This situation depicts that the monks constitute a critical component of the government that offers balances and checks to the systems of governing. Also, Holliday (2008) pointed out that Buddhism, the monks, Sangha have engaged in the anti-regime protests from the colonial period, and probably the religious groups have been mostly resistive.
In another perspective civic engagement, Bountry (2013) notes that the monks play a neutral position in the society and has given them a place in the peace mediation table while resolving any type of crisis or making negotiations in Burma. As an illustration, the monks were among the solution finders, a bloody intercommunal war in Arakan state in the southwestern part of Burma in 2012. This war led to the death of a hundred and fifty people and another one hundred and twenty thousand being displaced. Nevertheless, the Monks have severally faced criticism as being racists, and as well being haters of the Muslims. Most importantly, the monks have proved to be playing and will continue being critical actors in making sure that there is peace, accountability, inclusivity, and transparency among other aspects of good governance in Myanmar.
8.0. The Role of Media Organizations
The literature from the existing research reveals how media organizations have been considered as another vital component in Burma’s civic engagement for inclusivity. The study by Bountry (2013) established that, in a democratic system, media has gained acceptance or perception and emerged as the fourth state of government. It is evident that Burma is one of the countries whose independent media is viewed as a threat or destructive element the society’s stability (Davis, 2010). As an illustration, the five-decade military rule in Burma was associated with media news which was under censorship known as ‘Press Scrutiny and Registration Division’ (Bunte, 2016). This finding is indicative of the fact that media groups tend to be biased towards certain groups, especially the organizations or people who finance them heavily. In the same five decades of military rule, Kingsbury (2014) has made observations that Myanmar’s media was viewed as a propagator of propaganda, heavy scrutiny, and oppression from the ruling system. Consequently, there are high chances that media organizations will either strengthen of weaken the country’s inclusive governance.
In another negative perspective, Kingsbury (2014) argues that Myanmar’s government meddled in the media activities by determining the content they release to the public. Also, Bunte (2016) presents similar findings that the government’s interference with the media has been evident in its efforts to deny the citizens their right to information. They provide the reason behind this aspect that the largest amount of the content aired to the public has been highly superficial and had never given a reflection of the reality on the ground. Further, Bunte notes that the government of Burma has also determined the media stations that the public watches or listens (Bunte, 2016).
Moreover, media involvement in the matters of Burma’s civic engagement raised more concerns among the researchers such as Fahrenkamp-Uppenbrink (2016). He argues that the quasi-civilian government under Thein Sein placed its emphasis on the independence of media organizations after the 2010 elections. This government after the election of 2010 brought to an end the decade of censorship that was long and ushered in former exile media to the nation. This situation led to the return of some exile Medias like BBC, VOA, DVB, and RFA to Burma, at currently contributing immensely towards the nation’s democratization process. In the same connection, Kingsbury (2014) postulates that the media is now a key component of the civil society that ensures the delivery of the information that is free from biases to Burma’s citizens. Furthermore, it is playing an active function of promoting democracy via the provision of the education on human rights to the people as well as other educational information like democracy.
Today, there are increasing concerns about the freedom of media in Burma. It is an indisputable fact the constitution of this country has provisions for the freedom of expression as well as the freedom expression, and this aspect has led to the improvement of the climate for media through the process of reform (OECD, 2016). Thus, Myanmar has successfully attained core milestones towards a free press. Nonetheless, Bunte (2016) expresses his feeling that even though there are such conspicuous media improvements in the country, there is still evidence of the traces of past regime that keeps impeding the process of achieving the free media. Ebeling (2016) supports these observations that Myanmar’s citizens still have a fear of exposing the wrong actions of the government since for being afraid of what the government would do to them. In spite of this scenario, there are still hopes for media to have more progress in the achievement of freedom as well as transparency in Burma in the offing. The minister of information expressed these expectations during the opening of a media development conference in 2012. Additionally, the President TheinSein, himself, had pointed out that the design of the laws should not drag the vital rights as well as the freedom of the Burmese. Instead, they had to focus on enhancing the proper use of the freedom of the press to benefit Myanmar’s media and people. Based on the remarks made by information minister and the president, Fahrenkamp-Uppenbrink (2016) concluded that the government had shown a remarkable commitment towards upholding free press to profits the people in the entire nation.
Notwithstanding, the great progress realized by media organizations in Burma, Hong (2014) has pointed out that the press still expected to facilitate democracy as well as inclusive governance in Burma. Further, he argues that the media houses from exile have done good work concerning the proceeding with the political activities from exile. Despite this milestone, they are not still sure with the way of articulating issues that affect the nation and as well how to be providers of the solutions in such occasions. On the same note, Bountry (2013) adds that there is little evidence concerning the media houses embracing new ways that ensure the voice of the citizens is given more weight in the decision-making process. Based on these findings, Kingsbury (2014) asserted that it rests with the media organizations to adopt new methods like use of digital platforms to enhance successful transfer of the information to the citizens. Moreover, MacLean (2016) insists that the media should partner with other stakeholders concerning the inclusive governance with a view to making sure the necessary effect towards a democratic country is achieved.
9.0. The Role of Political Parties in Burma’s Inclusive Governance
Myanmar is believed to have experienced some political transformations since independence, including the democratic rule that existed from 1948-1962, the tyrannical military rule between 1962 and 2010, and from elections of 2010 till now. In connection to this point, MacLean (2016) has acknowledged the critical role played by the political parties in the promotion of Burma’s democracy. In a similar view, they have contributed to the upholding good governance as enhanced national reconciliation and peace in the course of the transformations (Kyed & Gravers, 2015; Andersen, 2016). Myanmar was a one party state after the ban of all rule of law promoting institutions by de facto leader Ne win in 1962 during the tyrannical rule in Burma (Huang, 2013). Subsequently, such regime came with illegalization of the political parties apart from the BSPP via the National Solidarity Act. Also, MacLean (2016) argued that the military rule was associated with the operation of the political party based on the greater oppressive activities from the military or government and backing the institutions like Than Shwe-led USDA.
In another broader political perspective, there are cases that involved arresting, intimidation, and silencing of many NLD leaders when they were looking for asylum in the nearby nations after winning the elections of 1990. Such a regime has depicted the military’s failure to recognize their success. Furthermore, Ebeling (2016) indicates that it became easy for the people in exile come up with the approaches to continue fighting for the nation’s democratization. Additionally, MacLean (2016) places emphasis on the fact that some remnants in Burma at that time were compelled to operate their political parties silently or were rather transformed to humanitarian and social activities. On the other hand, the political parties in Myanmar have immensely contributed to the active engagement of the civil society by offering the humanitarian and social needs (Paik, 2016). Undeniably, such parties have also initiated anti-government campaigns regardless of the threats, restrictions, and the intimidation they face.
10.0. Approaches of Civic Engagement in Burma
- Public-Private Partnership in Burma
The government has established a long-term vision to develop the Public-Private Partnerships. MacLean (2016) notes this approach as a significant step that government of Burma needs to enhance the service delivery as well as the infrastructure to the citizens. Through this strategy, it would be possible for the country to support socio-economic developments in the offing. Also, the government has reportedly come up with a medium-term strategy whose aim is to improve the Public-Private partnerships, including the creation of a favorable environment for the implementation of programs. The research by Kingsbury (2014) has also revealed that private involvement in infrastructure and delivery of services has led to the improvement of the quality of creating value for money for the government and the people. The strategy that has been used to achieve this improvement is involving the private expertise as well as innovation in the infrastructure and management services. Kipgen (2014) notes the Myanmar’s government formulated the principles that seek to guide the involvement of the private sector in the matters of governance. Most importantly, the core principle has been ensuring no more benefits in are achieved in the implementation of a project via public-private collaboration as compared to the traditional process. On the same note, Suwan (2015) raised an argument that the value-for-money constitutes a central factor in the major decision-making processes on the private participation in the delivery of infrastructure and services. Furthermore, the government of Burma makes an effort to address the issues concerning the budget of public-private programs. Through this approach, the government aims to achieve a proper utilization of public resources as well as its sustainable capacity to meet its long-term commitments (Bhagat, 2014). The argument raised by Bunte (2016) supports the idea that the commitment of the government targets the protection of the needs of end users, private and public sectors, and the affected people among other stakeholders.
- Benefits of Public-Private Partnerships in Burma
Researchers have raised concerns as to whether the government of Burma has shown commitment to the development of an effective public-private partnership. Suwan (2015) argues that the people and the government of this country have taken advantage of the improved value-for-money. In this case, involving the innovation and private expertise in the management of infrastructure and services has made the government to realize the accomplishment of the projects within the stipulated time and as well within the proposed budget. On the other hand, Kingsbury (2014) establishes that enhance orientation of the customers in the delivery of the services has led to the promotion of informed decision-making while buying services and goods. Suwan (2015) also adds that mobilizing funds from the private sector plays a big role in promoting the delivery of services and infrastructure. Furthermore, it has been argued that the expertise, as well as innovation from the private entities, resulted in enhancement of the risk management, and particularly in the industry of construction.
- The Partnership of the Public-Civil Society
The government of Burma has been hindering the participation of civil societies in empowering its people for the last ten years. Again, Suwan (2015) reports that, in 2009, the government engaged in the implementation of a policy that makes any foreign donations to civil societies illegal. At the same time, the government blocked the efforts made by non-governmental organizations to sensitize the public on their human rights. This argument gains support from Bunte’s thinking that the government’s reluctance to give room for the freedom of speech has become a crucial concern for the involvement of the civil societies in Burma’s democratization. In a similar view, Ebeling (2016) asserts that the government of Burma needs to take into account engaging the civil societies in educating its people on the matters of governance, aiming at the improvement of the public engagement in governance. Moreover, Bunte (2016) postulates that the civil societies have the expertise which constitutes a vital component in the development of the social and economic aspects of the country. However, Kingsbury (2014) makes a conclusion that the participation of the public in governance sensitizes the citizens on their rights and thus improving the state of service development and delivery.
- Future Development
Several studies have noted the areas that the government needs improve to enhance a healthy relationship between the government and the private sector for the inclusive governance. At the first stance, Ebeling (2016) points out that the tendering process has been affected by corruption. This aspect had impeded the activities of the private sectors that have been instrumental to the nations by denying them an opportunity to participate in the implementation of programs that aim at empowering the citizens of Myanmar (Bhagat, 2014; Clapp, 2016) Therefore, Bunte (2016) suggests that there is need of strengthening the judiciary as well as other institutions that have been given the mandate of enforcing the rule of law in the process of tendering and also countering the issue of corruption.
11.0. Role of Information and Technology for Inclusive Governance in Burma
- Overview of information and communication technology (ICT) as used in inclusive governance in Burma
The development of inclusive governance calls for a multi-stakeholder model. The current studies hold that it cannot be possible for a government to do it alone (MacLean, 2016). Also, Bunte (2016) suggests the engagement in the inclusive decision-making requires a proper information technology system which inclusivity of the country’s governance. With this understanding by relevant sectors, the government needs to design a mechanism that would aim at improving the participative policy-making as well as their implementation for success. Based on this reasoning, Kingsbury (2014) has established that there is a call for the use of ICT in the promotion of inclusive governance. Though, there is still the lack of coordination with several sectors in the use of the instruments of ICT and the platforms that would bring about the success of the isolated goals.
Also, Bunte (2016) argues that there has been a substantial progress whose achievement has been based on the democratization of the government of Burma. Unfortunately, the military still has much influence, and thus no proper representation of the citizens has been realized (Holliday, 2014). Additionally, alternative strategies need to be established so as to make sure that the voice of the people is heard and taken into account while making decisions. The development and the use of ICT tools and forums that ensure the activities that are related to inclusive governance are considered as that strategy. This approach will target the coordination of such activities and thus enable the government to attain its desired goal. In a similar manner, Kipgen (2014), reports that Myanmar has not succeeded fully in the adoption of the IT developments as a means of the civic engagement for the promotion of the public governance.
Moreover, Fahrenkamp-Uppenbrink (2016) argues that the rate of technological development and globalization has gone up. Based on this situation in Burma, a lot of pressure has been exerted on the reform the public sector’s administration. Bunte (2016) also has a notion that the governments should embrace transparency, be citizen-centered promptness, and responsiveness to the management of the increasing pressure. On the other hand, Bunte proved that the government that is supported by technology promotes service delivery to the people in an effective way. Also, MacLean (2016) has revealed that the integration of the information and communication technology in governance has emerged to be fashionable and effective in meeting the needs of the citizens for the creation of the value to their lives. Therefore, it has been concluded the ICT is a vital element in enhancing the civic engagement for inclusive governance in Myanmar.
It has also been argued that the lack of human capital, web presence, infrastructure, logistics, and electricity has been a great concern in Myanmar from the time the government introduced e-governance. Simpson (2012) has sought to evaluate the government’s strategy to mitigate such challenges, and notably, it has led to the fast developments of infrastructure in the previous four years. In the last four years, Myanmar has equipped public offices in both urban and remote areas. Additionally, Bunte (2016) reports that by October 2015, all public offices that provided vital services in the biggest urban centers got the computers. This initiative also benefited similar form of the public offices that were situated in the rural areas and particularly those that had access to electricity. In a similar line, MacLean (2016) pointed out that the government introduced a program that could link such offices with internet in June 2015. At same time, the government established a program of electrification for public offices, market centers, institutions in the rural areas.
Also, the research performed by Ebeling (2016) focused on the assessment of the competence status among administrators in Burma. He also sought to examine the competence of e-reading of the field level bureaucrats as well as its effects on the officer’s proficiency, the quality of life of the citizens, and service delivery. In this study, Ebeling established that there was a lower capacity of field officers who were utilizing the computers and computer facilities at their workstation (Ebeling, 2016). Also, Hong (2014) supports these findings by arguing that there have been some of the actual and perceived benefits over the last four years of ICT integration in governance. Such benefits comprise the perceived readiness of the E-governance by the government. This integration has been a critical milestone for Myanmar since is attracted financial and technical support. It has also empowered the high-level official on e-governance, continually putting pressure on and guiding the field officers to adopt e-governance (Gulati & Yates, 2011). Also, this strategy has called for the officers to initiate the programs that aim at the infrastructure construction to quicken the process of adopting e-governance in Burma.
Kingsbury (2014) also postulates that the electrification initiative has played a critical role in the sector of education in Myanmar where electricity has been connected in the public primary schools as well as the mid-level schools. With this program, there has been a rise in the electricity connection leading to the improvement of the penetration of ICT in the country because the technology greatly relies on power. Nonetheless, Kingsbury (2014) notes the failure of the explosive growth of ICT in Burma in registering more effects that support the concept of civic engagement for inclusive governance. Bountry (2013) adds that the internet has been an efficient tool of research in the education sector where students can access online libraries. As a result, there has been an improved quality of research of the learners in schools, colleges, and institutions and thus boosting this Burma’s education sector. Believably, people who have higher quality education can effectively fight for their rights as opposed to those who not well educated in any country. Further, Fahrenkamp-Uppenbrink (2016) also makes a conclusion that utilizing ICT in supporting learning can tremendously cut down the education costs thereby increasing access.
- Importance of ICT as used in inclusive governance in Burma
Many scholars have also drawn interests from whether the ICT is of any significance to Burma’s inclusive governance. In the first place, MacLean (2016) points one of the importances of ICT adoption as the improvement of the partnership between the sectors for inclusive governance. It is worth noting that ICT has a great potential for the improvement of the public-private partnership, where the private sector stakeholders and the government agencies can exchange critical information. Khai (2011) provides a similar reasoning by indicating that, the government agencies need to advertise all the tenders of the government on their websites and ensuring that everyone accesses the information. Through this approach, the government agencies will be able to enhance the competitive tendering processes. On the same note, it can be possible for Myanmar government to access some critical players in the websites of the private sector where it will be easy for them monitor the activities of these players. It also permits them to ensure their operations are within the law requirements (Dukalskis 2009).
Another significance of the adoption of ICT in Burma is also evident in the fact that the government agencies can interact with the private sector players through mails. Through this aspect, they are able to collect the information they need concerning the proposed public projects because the private sector has the expertise that work effectively to achieve such goals. Ebeling (2016) adds with his thinking that the private sector utilizes the platforms of ICT technology to lobby the government in the implementation of some development projects for improvement of the sector. This scenario can be noted in the fact that the private sector is permitted to request government agencies that are relevant via the forums of e-government aiming at the improvement of the drainage system in a particular urban center (Wheeler, 2011). On the other hand, it is possible for the government to use such platforms sensitize the private entities about the existing laws concerning the sector. Through this platform, the private sector also utilizes such information in establishing the retrogressive legislations and commences to lobby the government to make the changes that are necessary for the sector. Based on Bunte’s findings, he suggests that the government can make use of ICT to monitor if the private sector is implementing the required corporate social responsibility (CSR) projects through the collection of opinions of the public from the internet platforms.
Also, in the context of Internet access, mobile phones have also made it possible for the interactions among the civil society, government, and governance. The use of such gadgets has given the citizens a forum on which they can raise their demand and as well ensure they are actively involved in the formulation and implementation of the government policy (MacLean, 2016). It is also reported that ICT use has been effective in countering the dictatorial regimes (Fahrenkamp-Uppenbrink, 2016). In this case, social media has proved to be a critical player in the country’s governance success, especially the recent Arab springs. The platforms like Facebook have been utilized in the organization of the demonstrations. Also, Kipgen (2014) is another supporter of the concept that ICT brings about globalization, considered as a critical factor for the inclusive governance. Kingsbury (2014) further holds that the internet makes it possible for the citizens to access the information from all the part of the globe and performing the required comparisons with the country’s existing situation. Therefore, having this information empowers the citizens to exert pressure on the public institutions that are relevant to adoption of the necessary alterations so as to enhance the governance inclusivity.
12.0. Limitations of the Literature Review and Recommendation for further Research
The reviewing of the existing literature on the subject of new ways of civic engagement for Burma’s inclusive governance appears to be challenging. This literature has identified various limitations that need more attention the in the future research. Firstly, there has been no agreement on a particular model to show how civic engagement can be used to enhance inclusive governance. It is worth noting that every researcher provider his or her argument based on the perspective or discipline of the person. Therefore, a universal framework is needed to as to address the topic in a satisfactory and the vivid way to enhance the understanding of the reader. Also, a lot of research has depicted that scholars have dwelt so much on the positive side of the subject, while a few have pointed out the negative impacts the new framework of civic engagement would have on the country’s inclusive governance. It is, therefore, necessary to add more subjects in the future research so as to make the literature have a meaning to the person reading it.
13.0. Conclusion
The existing literature on the concept of the new ways of civic engagement for inclusive governance in Burma reveals the connection between the civil society, the government, and governance. Most importantly the participation of the civil society in all social, political, environmental, and economic aspects of the government is a critical role player towards inclusive governance. Most of the findings in the previous studies have depicted the activity of civic engagement in diverse forms to ensure inclusivity. Also, studies have been clear on the fact that where there is good governance, the operations of the sectors in the government run smoothly unlike bad governance which causes a lot of harm to the citizens and also creating a bad public image for the country. The good news is the Burma has a well-established record of good governance because it has promoted the participation of the civil society in many aspects. Though, a few improvements are needed where their achievements have been slow.
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